Monday, 26 May 2014

Council secrecy creates "climate conducive to corruption"

An update from my February column, which reported the case of Marrickville councillor Max Phillips who was suspended by the head of the NSW Division of Local Government for refusing to apologise for telling his constituents about discussions between a big developer (Meriton) and his council over development concessions.

This case had major implications for councillors throughout NSW being able to carry out their proper duties as elected representatives accountable to their communities.

The good news is that Councillor Phillips' appeal against the decision was upheld by the NSW Civil and Administrative Tribunal, which overturned his suspension and contested many of the grounds on which both the initial council decision to censure him and the subsequent disciplinary action by the state government bureaucracy were based.

Some of these findings may be used as general precedents in future cases where council administrations or political majorities who want to conceal information from the public attempt to censor or censure community-minded councillors who want to tell their constituents what is really going on.

The bad news is that many of the factors that guided the Tribunal's decision were particular to the circumstances of the Phillips case, and that the NSW local government system contains precious few specific protections for councillors who care more about representing their constituents and the public interest than they do about protecting the interests of council administrations and the commercial interests who do business with them.

The NSW Model Code of Conduct for councils – produced by the same state government department whose CEO made the now discredited decision to suspend Councillor Phillips – contains many provisions specifically limiting councillors from disclosing information to the public, but not a single provision that specifically protects their right to do so.

The Tribunal judgement was critical of the department's decision to simply assume that the council had been correct in its finding against Councillor Phillips, rather than examining whether the council's initial ruling was reasonable in the first place.

Unfortunately, that's the standard situation - state bureaucracies are usually much more inclined to approach things with the same mindset as their counterparts in council bureaucracies, and to see things their way.

Newcastle Council administration – hardly known for its commitment to openness and transparency – has attempted on several occasions to bind Newcastle councillors to stringent restrictions on speaking to the media and the community on any council matters.

The current council has also continued the previous council's practice of cutting the number of formal council meetings, which must be open to the public and the media, and instead conducting much of the discussion on major matters under the veil of secret “workshops”, which are not publicly notified, and are closed to the public and the media.

According to council information, between 16 October 2012 and 18 February this year the current council held 17 ordinary and 11 extraordinary council meetings, compared to 27 closed workshops over the same period.

These closed workshops discussed more than 50 topics, ranging from the Newcastle Art Gallery, city centre revitalisation, community facilities, council pools, media policy and Blackbutt Reserve, to the NSW Government White Paper on Local Government Reform.

Nothing in any of that that the community should know about, of course.

Though decision-making in these workshops is technically prohibited, some councillors privately admit that they are rife with “nod-and-wink” decision-making.

With so many examples of lack of transparency and accountability in public policy decision-making at the forefront of public discussion at the moment, this is yet another example of (in the words of ICAC) a “climate conducive to corruption”.