Friday, 30 November 2018

Greens on the edge of political precipice

As someone who helped start and shape The Greens political party in the early 1990s, I find it sad and painful to watch the ructions that are currently tearing that party apart.
I should begin by clarifying that I now view all this as an outside observer rather than an active participant.
I’m no longer a member of The Greens, having not renewed my membership this year after 28 years of continuous membership.
This included eight years as Newcastle’s first Greens councillor (between 1991 and 1999) and many other experiences as an active member, including heading The Greens NSW Senate ticket in 1998, running as The Greens Lord Mayoral candidate in Newcastle in 2012, and filling many other roles for The Greens at local, state, national and international level.
Naturally, when people who know my long-term association with The Greens find out that I’m no longer a member, they want to know why.
My reasons have more to do with what was happening with the local Newcastle Greens group than with the state and federal Greens, and I made my decision not to renew well before the recent furore surrounding sexual assault allegations against NSW Greens MLC Jeremy Buckingham.
But I do recognise patterns in what’s happening now from my own long experience in The Greens.
The Greens are now mired in factionalism.
In the NSW Greens, factions emerged slowly from personality-based conflicts between key members in the 1990s (particularly between early NSW state MPs and their supporters), which then gradually merged with geographical affinities (e.g., country v city) and different philosophical and ideological emphases (e.g., individualist v collectivist and environment v social justice).
Mixed with personal political ambitions and agendas, mistrust, and plain bad behaviour, the divisive potential of this has festered slowly but relentlessly into the factional fracas we see today.
Ironically, some of the most factionalist members of The Greens are those who most stridently deny and decry factionalism. The bald, self-centred hypocrisy of some of these members in invoking principles that they have previously demonstrated they don’t really believe in is startling.
Another key problem for The Greens has been an influx of members who are attracted to the party from a vague sense of political affinity, or from friendship or social networks, and who join online or via mass on-the-spot recruitment campaigns, but who have little understanding of, or care for, The Greens four core principles (ecological sustainability, social and economic justice, grassroots democracy, and peace and nonviolence).
One of the key reasons for my disillusionment is that the four key principles on which we founded The Greens in the ‘90s are hardly known by many current members and rarely discussed or considered inside the party.
Raising them with some members these days is more likely to arouse a sense of impatience or irritation than interest.
In the early days, I was particularly attracted to The Greens commitment to “doing politics differently”. These days, The Greens have all but abandoned that project. They've become instead a process-averse organisation.
Some Greens members regard the very word “process” with thinly veiled contempt, with no apparent awareness of what this represents for a party with a professed commitment to grassroots democracy and “doing politics differently”, both of which are pretty much all about process.
The Greens are now paying a high price for this process-aversion. If the recent Victorian state election is anything to go by, they could be almost wiped off the state electoral map in March.
I still have enormous respect and admiration for the integrity and achievements of some Greens parliamentarians, such as David Shoebridge, who will head The Greens NSW Legislative Council ticket at the next state election.
I also like and respect Jenny Leong, whose parliamentary work I’ve admired since her breakthrough election as the inaugural state Member for Newtown in 2015.
But she made a significant error of judgement recently in using parliamentary privilege to override due process and call on Jeremy Buckingham to resign from parliament on the grounds that she believed the sexual assault allegations against him to be true.
Like Ms Leong and many other Greens members, my personal view is that the version of events outlined by Ella Buckland, the woman who made the allegations against Mr Buckingham, are sincere and credible.
However, I also believe in the presumption of innocence and the principles of procedural justice, and I don’t believe that my personal view should trump the application of these key principles.
It’s one thing to believe someone, and quite another to presume the role of judge and jury: that’s the pathway to kangaroo courts and lynch mobs.
And that’s the line that Jenny Leong transgressed in her understandable desire to stand in support of Ms Buckland.
In doing this, she has opened herself up to criticism from those who support Mr Buckingham, many of whom bear the greatest responsibility for factionalising The Greens.
I’ve witnessed first-hand how some of these people operate, particularly in Newcastle, and I know from personal experience that most of them have no real understanding of these principles, and no genuine commitment to them: for them, they are merely arguments of immediate convenience, readily ditched when it suits their agendas.
Today’s Greens party is almost unrecognisable to me as the party I helped to form, and I’m not sorry to be out of it, though it hurts to see what it’s becoming.
For all that, I still consider The Greens policies to be superior to those of any other parliamentary party, and on these grounds I’m likely to remain a Greens voter. 
I also know that The Greens membership still includes many talented, intelligent, committed and principled people, and I wish them well in their struggle to re-orient the party back toward its core principles, and to a proper understanding and respect for the role of process in grassroots democracy.
Ultimately, that's all that will save The Greens from a tragic descent into political obscurity.

Thursday, 1 November 2018

Latest Throsby catchment plan now open for comment

The latest plan for Throsby Creek and its catchment is now available for public comment.
The 3,000ha Throsby Creek catchment includes many of Newcastle’s oldest and most densely populated areas, including the suburbs of Adamstown, Broadmeadow, Carrington, Georgetown, Hamilton, Islington, Kotara, Lambton, Mayfield, New Lambton, Tighes Hill and Waratah; and public parks and facilities such as Blackbutt Reserve, Lambton Park, Braye Park, Broadmeadow sports grounds, Newcastle Showgrounds, Tighes Hill TAFE and Islington Park.
The latest plan (the Throsby Creek Catchment Agencies Plan 2018-2024) is the third integrated plan for the catchment, following the 1989 Throsby Creek Total Catchment Management (TCM) Strategy, and the 2001 TCM Strategy.
The 1989 plan was the first in Australia to be developed under a “Total Catchment Management” approach, bringing the community, local politicians, and about a dozen government agencies and councils with various catchment responsibilities together for the first time to plan the future of the creek and its catchment.
Before 1989, the Throsby Creek that flowed through Islington, Tighes Hill, Maryville and Carrington was a dirty stinking urban stormwater drain that nobody wanted to be near.
The government agencies responsible for managing various aspects of the catchment had operated mostly in their own bureaucratic silos, leaving affected communities increasingly frustrated at their inaction and buck-passing.
Community pressure was instrumental in initiating the landmark 1989 strategy, and community participation became one of the hallmarks of the preparation and implementation of the strategy.
The 1989 strategy and its 2001 follow-up produced a rehabilitation program for the catchment that has transformed Throsby Creek into the valued aesthetic, recreational and ecological asset that it is today.
During the 1990s the Throsby Creek TCM strategy was regarded as the go-to model for transforming urban waterways around Australia.
As Newcastle projects go, it’s one of our city’s great success stories, and testimony to what can be achieved when a community is united in purpose and action – an all-too-rare occurrence in the past two decades of projects imposed by successive Sydney-centric state governments on often unwilling local communities, usually at the behest of sectional interests.
The plan now on public exhibition may lack the razzle-dazzle of its more famous predecessor, but it’s a solid basis for improving the health, amenity and safety of the creek and its catchment.
It includes sections on:
·         ecosystem health and biodiversity
·         water quality
·         gross pollutants (litter)
·         flooding
·         implementation
Among many other things, the plan commits to developing a Mangrove Management Plan for the creek, identifying a “trigger point” for dredging accumulated sediment in the main channel, water-sensitive urban design (WSUD) in new development and infrastructure works in the catchment, identifying further bush regeneration projects, further naturalising creek banks, and supporting community education and participation initiatives.
However, the most important thing about this plan lies more in the fact of its existence than in the detail of its contents.
The real threat to an urban waterway like Throsby Creek is that it will again be forgotten, and degrade through neglect.
Debate there may be over some of the plan’s proposals for action, but having a plan at all means that the neglect of bad old days before 1989 is unlikely to return.
The Throsby Creek Government Agencies Committee that has developed the recent plan, and will be overseeing its implementation, is chaired by Newcastle MLA Tim Crakanthorp, who initiated the committee in 2016 in response to community requests.
The committee includes representatives of City of Newcastle, Hunter Local Land Services, Hunter Water, Lake Macquarie Council, Roads and Maritime Services, TAFE, Port of Newcastle, and Port Waratah Coal Services, and two community representatives.
The plan will be on public exhibition until 13 November.
Copies of the plan are available online at the consultation website: https://yourvoice.hunterwater.com.au/throsby-creek-government-agencies-committee. Suggestions and questions about the plan can also be posted via this webpage.